Title : Governor DeWine Suppresses Data Disproving COVID-19 Policies
link : Governor DeWine Suppresses Data Disproving COVID-19 Policies
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Governor DeWine Suppresses Data Disproving COVID-19 Policies
Governor DeWine Suppresses Data Disproving COVID-19 Policies
- Jack Winsdor
- News
Ohio Governor DeWine, Director of Health Acton and Lt.
Governor Husted started handling the Coronavirus outbreak with faulty modeling,
while ignoring critical real-time data. Now the trio suppresses critical data. Ohioans:
aware, enraged and bracing to fight for the truth.
The backdrop
COVID-19 first made an indelible mark on Ohioans when
Governor Mike DeWine canceled the 2020 Arnold Sports Festival, which was
schedule to start March 5.
On March 16, Governor DeWine backed a lawsuit seeking to
postpone the primary election scheduled for the next day. The suit was filed by
Ohioans who feared voting in person would expose voters and poll workers to
COVID-19.
Franklin County Common Pleas Judge Richard Fry declined to postpone
the election, but Fry’s decision did not stop DeWine. In the late hours of
election eve, Ohio Department of Health Director Amy Acton declared a
healthcare emergency to force polls closed. The emergency powers are granted by
the Ohio Revised Code and have
been in effect since March 16.
On March 23, DeWine announced a two-week shelter-in-place
plan, made legally binding by Acton’s emergency order. By that date, the world
had seen horrifying videos and read data on the COVID-19 outbreak in northern Italy.
If the Governor’s announcement and citizens’ compliance
constitutes a social contract, as DeWine has said in press conferences, then that
contract was inked on March 23, 2020. DeWine promised to make decisions based
on the best science, medicine, and data, and to deploy all necessary resources
to flatten the curve and ramp hospital capacity. DeWine and his team also
pledged to be transparent with data. Ohioans committed to stay home to flatten
the curve and buy hospitals time.
Early data flawed
Nearly a week before the stay-at-home order was issued, Imperial College epidemiologist Neil Ferguson modeled
the COVID-19 outbreak. Ferguson’s model became the point of reference for
leaders across the globe, influencing lockouts and sheltering policies.
Ferguson himself backtracked on his model’s accuracy just
weeks later after the projections tanked. The swing and miss on COVID-19 is not
Ferguson’s first projection whiff. Ferguson predicted 200 million would die from
the bird flu in 2005--deaths totaled 455. In 2009 Ferguson predicted 65,000
people would die in the U.K. from swine flu—the death toll was 392.
Ohio Department of Health (ODH) Director Amy Acton delivered
early projections and modeling based on Ferguson’s wildly inaccurate Imperial
College model. Acton guessed 100,000 Ohioans were already infected when she introduced
her modeling. She also projected the
COVID outbreak would peak in April and overwhelm hospitals, produce 62,000 new
cases a day and infect 40% to 70% of Ohioans. Like Ferguson’s model, Acton’s projections
were exponentially inaccurate.
The ODH model was revised twice, the first time revising new
cases per day to 10,000, the second revision ratcheting new cases down to 2,000
new per day. Outside of sampling a full
prison with thousands of inmates, Ohio has never seen more than 100 cases in
any given day throughout the health emergency.
Where Acton erred on projections, Ohioans extended grace
because COVID-19 was pitched as a novel virus without clear data on contagiousness,
how it spreads, who is at risk and how many people would need hospital and intensive
care.
Up-front information did exist—information directly related
to COVID-19, and studies related to the secondary impact of shut-it-all-down
policies.
Early data ignored
Whether willfully or ignorantly, important information was ignored.
The information that could have been used to direct public policy and
mitigation strategies.
Information
out of Italy and China revealed two critical factors DeWine and Acton could
have used to laser-focus their response to Coronavirus: 1) people aged 79 and
older with other diseases are most at risk for serious health outcomes,
especially death; 2) People above 30
with high blood pressure, diabetes and heart disease were at accelerated risk,
though much lower than risks to the age ranges 60-80 years and older. No one
below 30 died from Coronavirus.
This information was clear even before Ohio Department of
Health Director Amy Acton signed the first stay-at-home order.
The perils of economic fallout and sheltering-in-place were
also documented for consideration as the administration formed policies.
After the first SARS outbreak, Studies
on the secondary impact to mental health showed serious distress among
those quarantined, causing PTSD and depression when the sick were quarantined
for just two weeks or less.
The 2008 financial crisis spiked suicides
due to unemployment: rates were four-times higher; a 1% increase in
unemployment resulted in a 1% increase in suicides among males.
Instead of using a scalpel to carve-out policies to target
the most vulnerable, alleviate economic impact and spare the uninfected from
sheltering, DeWine, Acton and Husted did the opposite—they swung a wrecking
ball.
What we know today about COVID-19, we knew in March. Regardless, Acton, DeWine and Husted implemented
draconian measures and then defended their decisions by marketing the doom and
gloom from the Spanish Flu pandemic, which happened over 100 years earlier.
Acton shared a tale of two cities: Philadelphia and St.
Louis. Philadelphia was not as diligent about sheltering, resulting in higher
infections and deaths. St. Louis was compliant and produced fewer infections
and deaths. Ohioans were encouraged to be like St. Louis.
According to the CDC, sheltering-in-place, social distancing, disinfecting, and
practicing good hygiene made sense in 1917—it was, essentially, all the world
had to combat the H1N1 outbreak. Influenza vaccines did not yet exist, nor did antibiotics
for secondary infections (secondary infections drove the second surge of the
Spanish Flu). Pharmaceutical interventions for therapy also did not exist.
The Spanish flu killed children under five (5), healthy
adults aged 20-40 and elderly over age 65. A much larger percentage of the
population was at risk of death during the 1917 pandemic than people in 2020
exposed to COVID-19.
Technology, communication, vaccines, therapeutic drugs and
overall healthcare have made leaps and bounds forward since 1917 and have
enabled us to better navigate the dangers of a pandemic.
We did our part
If early models and comparisons to the 1917 pandemic did
anything to Ohioans, they manipulated emotions and produced compliance. And perhaps that was the intended consequence.
People stayed home. Owners of nonessential businesses
voluntarily walked away from livelihoods. Employees worked from home, while
caring for their kids and becoming their ad hoc teachers. More than a million
people accepted unemployment and waited, patiently, for the Ohio Department of Job
and Family Services to catch up.
Hospital capacity, ICU capacity and positive cases never
came close to embarrassingly inaccurate projections. The health system we set
out to save by flattening the curve has actually been negatively impacted—the
broad cancellation of all “elective procedures” including things like cancer
screenings has led to furloughs, layoffs and loss of healthcare capacity due to
the economic consequence of not having enough patients—COVID or otherwise.
Plus, there is a broader health consequence to the mental, emotional and
physical health of Ohioans that is just now starting to be understood.
Much has changed since March 23. One thing has not: DeWine’s
commitment to draconian measures in the face of civil opposition and
contradictory data. DeWine decided to double down on the measures and vehemently
rejects input that goes against his administration’s models, ideas and policies.
Legislators stepped up opposition to Governor DeWine during
an April caucus call. According to two legislators who wished to remain
anonymous, DeWine was not only closed to different views, he was defensive and
volatile, yelling at the elected officials. At one point he shrugged off
questions and opposing data as conspiracy theory.
In early May, amidst rapidly growing economic distress and
civil dissension, the Ohio General Assembly and Senate began drafting
legislation designed to limit the Health Director’s powers to 14 day before
involving the legislature. Legislation also sought to reduce fines and criminal
penalties waged against people who defy Acton’s orders. Senate Bill 1 and
Senate Bill 55 were subsequently drawn up, but even before they reached a vote,
DeWine threatened to veto any legislation designed to limit Acton’s authority.
Suppressed data:
Daily death totals
During each presser, Amy Acton will review the Ohio COVID-19
dashboard. You may note that Acton
reports deaths as “deaths reported in the last 24 hours.”
Deaths reported in the last 24 hours are different
than the actual number of deaths in the last 24 hours. The number
reported is almost always inaccurate and inflated because it includes deaths
over several days, perhaps as far back as January.
The practice of using “reported” data causes the public to
perceive more cases and more deaths than are occurring in the present. The
practice is confusing the press, the public and at times even the Governor and
Dr. Acton seem confused.
On May 23, the Ohio Department of Health indicated there
were 84 reported deaths over the past 24 hours. However, the real number
of deaths totaled seven (7), a difference of 77.
This 77 death inaccuracy was found only after reviewing the
CSV file available for download on the state
dashboard site. The CSV file lists the accurate daily number of deaths—and
can be found after much digging.
Suppressing the daily death totals is dangerous. Inflated
and inaccurate data gets picked up and reported by unsuspecting news outlets. That,
in fact, happened on May 23 when an Ohio media outlet reported the 84 deaths
under the headline: Deaths
more than double the previous 24-hour period.
Misrepresenting the death total is not a new practice.
During a press conference on April 14 Governor DeWine
repeatedly claimed 50 people died over the previous 24 hours. The actual
number of reported deaths was five (5). When confronted with the disparity,
DeWine deferred to Amy Acton who said, “I think it might be a reporting lag.”
R-naught of COVID-19 in general population
The r-naught factor is a number indicating viral
infectiousness. The r-naught (often expressed as R0) tells you how many people
will, on average, be infected by one infected person. For example: if COVID-19
had an R0 of four, one infected person would, on average, infect four other
people.
The r-naught of COVID-19 has become a data point of interest
during Governor DeWine’s daily pressers. Acton projects COVID-19 had an original
r-naught of between 2.5 to 5.0. Acton and DeWine reported a current r-naught of
1 during one press conference and .8 during another.
DeWine warns if the r-naught ascends above the 1.0-1.2
range, it will set off alarm bells. Translated: an r-naught above 1.2 could trigger
a rollback—shuttering businesses, locking Ohioans out of public spaces, further
slowing a re-opening, while increasing pressure to comply with backdoor
controls such as testing and contact tracing.
Given the importance of this measure, it makes sense to dig
into how it is reported. Not every part of the state has the same demography,
population density, and the potential for a high secondary surge. The now
famous ping pong ball commercial is a powerful visual, but it is based on faulty
assumptions.
The video shows how one infection sets in motion a massive
chain reaction around you. The problem: not everyone is equidistant from each
other; not everyone will contract the virus; many will not spread the virus;
serious symptoms and death will not result in over 99% of cases, once
symptomatic and asymptomatic infected are counted in the mix. The video is a
bogus visual representation of the spread of Coronavirus.
One solid first step to making the r-naught more meaningful requires
carving-out congregate living data sets. Extracting, measuring and
independently dealing with people who live in these close quarters will produce
not only a more accurate r-naught for the general population, it will also
produce policies that save lives inside prisons, nursing homes and long term
care facilities.
Mixing congregate living with statistics from the general
population skews how infectious the virus may be to the general population. A
spike in congregate living settings could equal a clampdown on the general
population—it would be like punishing the entire class if one child is acting
out. Equally irresponsible: keeping images like the ping pong video and mixed
data sets in play. These serve misinformation and, frankly, panic people.
Common sense can derive that if the current r-naught is 1:1
with mixed data sets, the general population is experiencing a contagiousness
that is a fraction of what occurs in congregate settings. What may be
discovered once the congregate living numbers are backed out is that the
r-naught is likely a fraction of the current 1:1 estimate. And that fractional
expression would be a better basis for mitigation and policy decisions.
On top of separating data sets for congregate living it also
makes sense to look at each of the 88 counties differently—80 of the 88
counties will likely have r-naught values that are miniscule. Consequently,
their differences should be honored with varied policies that apply to people
in those locations.
Nursing home deaths
Just two weeks ago Amy Acton estimated death rates in
nursing homes comprised approximately 20% of the Ohio death toll. As reporters
and citizen journalists investigated that claim, it was discovered that
confirmed deaths were double Acton’s estimate. Continued digging reveals that, as of May 21, confirmed
deaths in nursing homes total 79% of the state total.
The errors seem to stem from mixing data sets, slow responses
and an overall lack of focus on critical information. Failing to dive deep into
data provided by nursing homes and other congregate care facilities may account
for the utterly irresponsible handling of nursing home infections.
Mixing data sets from congregate settings (information
specific to nursing homes and other congregate facilities) for reporting and
consideration bypassed a crucial step in checks and balances. In fact, the
mixing is a fatal error.
Nursing homes and prisons produce extremely disproportionate
infection rates—and disproportionate deaths in the case of nursing homes. What
if the state would have previously segregated the data sets and treated them
differently—how many lives could have been saved in long term care facilities,
jails and prisons?
The state would be wiser to extract congregate living
numbers and to begin dealing with the disproportionately large number of
infections, hospitalizations, ICU visits and deaths in these congregate
communities.
The slow response to directives can best be seen in the
seven-day delay in DeWine’s response to a directive from Vice President Mike Pence
that called on all governors to perform testing in all their long term care
facilities—all nursing home staff and patients. Pence announced the directive
on May 12, but it wasn’t until May 19, a week later, that Governor Mike DeWine
took the initiative to ramp testing in nursing homes—deploying
the national guard to aid in testing.
In the elderly, the time from COVID-19 onset to death is estimated
at 14 days; seven days is a matter of life or death.
Information on how to best treat nursing home residents who
contract COVID-19 is hotly contested. Kay Ball, PhD, RN, CNOR, FAAN, a 71-year-old
female, contracted Coronavirus despite masking, wearing gloves and following
suggested protocols. Ball’s husband, a 73-year-old male, also contracted
COVID-19. They both recovered.
During an interview, Kay Ball said during her visit to the
hospital, the drug hydroxychloroquine was administered. Ball began feeling
better almost immediately. Bell also pointed out that she received a shot in
her stomach to decrease the incidence of blood clotting; she was also given
zinc and high levels of vitamin C. Whether there was one treatment, or a
combination of many, there seems to be a growing body of evidence on the
efficacy of hydroxychloroquine, zinc and vitamin C.
There is no better time to untangle the facts surrounding
the efficacy of therapeutic drugs and to cut the bureaucracy surrounding their
delivery, where appropriate.
During the May 21 press conference, DeWine, et.al. seemed to
pivot away from primary COVID-19 issues, such as nursing homes, and toward
larger social issues: housing, education and transportation.
The Governor is trying to spin-up an entire social movement
that takes tremendous time, energy, money and effort—and doing it while our
deadliest problem goes largely unaddressed. What is gasping about the
transition to magnanimous social issues is the fact that the nursing home
crisis is condensed to less than one percent of our population; yet it remains a
problem without a solution. Residents in nursing homes are the most immobile in
our communities, they are easily reached, treated and can be saved with a
laser-focus.
Instead, we now turn our attention and money to gigantic
initiatives DeWine’s team will try to apply to the 44,825 square-miles
comprising Ohio and its almost 12 million citizens. There may be no bigger sign
of incompetence in our current mindset and decision making.
Antibody testing
In early April, Amy Acton announced the Ohio Department of
Health, with aid from Celexa, would conduct a 1,200-person random antibody test
sample in Ohio. The purpose of the antibody testing was to determine how many
Ohioans have COVID-19 antibodies. This study could potentially tell us much
about how far the virus has spread—especially since we now know it was here in
early January (if not sooner), at a time when there were not mitigation
strategies in place.
WMFD-TV has repeatedly requested copies of contracts with
Celexa and information on the antibody testing and information has not yet been
provided.
Antibody tests could undermine the perceived severity of
COVID-19 in Ohio; tests could also prove how much more work there is to do to
prepare to live with the virus. Either way, this is either a commitment
unfulfilled or information suppressed.
Average age of death
During nearly every press conference from March through May,
Acton would state “average age of cases was about 50” but she has yet to
publicly say that the average age of death is 81.
Why? A legislator, who wishes to remain anonymous says “they
[Ohio Department of Health] don’t want information that would cause people to
not obey their orders.”
Surface spread and asymptomatic spread
Since the beginning of Ohio’s mitigation efforts, the CDC
website has contained information explaining that viral spread on surfaces
may be possible, yet not likely, and not the main way the virus spreads. Not
a single case has been discovered through surface spread; yet Acton took
time during a press conference to inaccurately explain how germs “move” across
a counter top using a swiss cheese mind illustration.
On May 14, the Director’s
Dine Safe Ohio Order was issued, extending mandates for restaurants and
bars. In that order was language from the CDC. “The CDC reports that people are
most contagious when they are most symptomatic (the sickest) however some
spread might be possible before people show symptoms although that is not the
main way the virus spreads.”
New studies indicate asymptomatic spread is not occurring.
Instead of discussing the studies and possible implications to our daily
living, the administration continues to double down on masks and other
measures, while trumpeting the message that asymptomatic spread can kill
grandmas and those most vulnerable.
Lake County Judge Eugene Lucci’s decision
Lucci’s decision was treated like anything else that
challenges the Governor’s direction, DeWine downplayed a court decision during
the Thursday, May 21 press conference. DeWine said that all the decision did
was shorten mandates by six days. Common
Pleas Judge Eugene Lucci actually said:
The
Judge ruled unconstitutional DeWine and Acton’s rules that shut down
businesses and kept people locked in their homes.
The phrase “all businesses” means just that—all businesses.
Information is valuable only when it is used
In science an experiment starts with a hypothesis and it is
either proven or disproven through experimentation. True scientists do not mold
the data to a predetermined outcome.
The fact is, after approximately five months of the
Coronavirus circulating in the population, approximately 300 Ohioans have died
outside of prisons and nursing homes, the high majority over 70 years old.
The fact is, asymptomatic transmission is a theory and a
recent study questions whether that theory is true, yet we have never heard
about this study or the CDC announcement that the projected mortality rate for
people under 50 is .0005, or half the mortality rate of the flu.
These things are not conspiracy theories, yet the
administration has engaged in the practice of intentional selection of data to
present to Ohioans—citizens who were promised data transparency and policies
based on the best science.
To be clear: why DeWine is doing what he is doing is
not as important right now as how he is doing what he is doing.
Governor DeWine and Lieutenant Governor Husted often use
sports analogies. In that vein: what makes a great football coach is the
ability to adjust strategy—particularly, the ability to make halftime
adjustments that prepare the team to perform at their highest potential in the
second half.
Great coaches don’t neglect relevant input. Great coaches
don’t double-down on losing gameplans. Great coaches don’t study film from a
1917 football game and use the outdated details in the present to call offensive
plays and defensive formations. Great coaches listen to their coordinators and
opposing views.
The first two weeks following the March 23rd shelter-in-place
revealed that 62,000 new cases a day, 40-70% infection rates and overflowing
hospitals were aberrations.
DeWine didn’t adjust. In fact, he tightened the reigns of
control and regulation—exacerbating the crisis.
Since the initial orders, DeWine has paid lip service to
relaxing guidelines and opening the economy but the slow re-opening continues,
and forced compliance for testing and contact tracing now seem tethered to our
ultimate desire to be back to normal.
In fact, the administration has worked overtime to condition
Ohioans to accept a new normal, hinting that there will be no freedom as we
know it until a vaccine is invented and taken. The merits of these issues are
for another article.
To go back to the sports analogy, in the ten weeks since
lockout DeWine et.al. have been beaten by 30 points a game and now stand 0-16
on the season. Meanwhile, robust state programs are being planned for our kids’
fall education, healthcare, housing, and transportation. This is akin to a
winless team preparing for an upcoming Superbowl.
Deciding what is more offensive is a toss-up. It might be ignoring
a real health crisis in nursing homes and prisons that continues to infect
prisoners and kill our elderly, while choosing initiatives that would be nice to
have. Or, it may be sticking with decisions that will create endless negative
outcomes for people, families, businesses and the economy for years to come.
Why is this happening?
An advisor to the state, who requested anonymity, talked
twice with high level officials inside the Ohio Department of Health and the
DeWine administration. On both occasions, the advisor asked why data is suppressed
and presented with a bias toward worst-case scenarios. On both occasions the
advisor was told the message is packaged and delivered to change how people
feel and think about Coronavirus. The end goal is to build compliance with the
new normal.
Perhaps DeWine and Acton are like helicopter parents who are
alarmingly controlling and overprotective of their children. Whatever the reasoning for their overreach
and unconstitutional rules, the unintended consequences of their actions now
threaten to make the cure worse than the virus.
But like stubbornly protective parents, DeWine and Acton may
be hard to redirect. Judge Fry’s court ruling in March was ignored. Judge
Lucci’s order from last week was ignored. The crew continues to ignore data and
the unintended consequences of their policies.
It begs the question: will they ever be held accountable for
their misrepresentation of data? Remember, on March 23 we the people of Ohio
accepted a social contract and we are still waiting for the faithful
delivery—but will DeWine uphold his end of the bargain?
We hear a lot about the new normal. We were doing just fine
with normal: roaring economy, no state budget deficit, kids in school and
protected, living life the way it is intended to be lived—in community.
Now we know that “normal” was happening while COVID-19 was
here from January (if not sooner) to March 23, without: unprecedented numbers
of deaths, overrun hospitals and mitigation strategies to fight the virus.
How does the new normal look? DeWine and Acton are ushering
it in with their masks, social distancing, business mandates, school shutdowns,
and lockouts.
The results: an estimated 2 million unemployed, more than
1,589 nursing home deaths, zero deaths under the age of 30 (but ample
regulations that strap the age group), a startling number of businesses that
will never re-open, and—if history repeats—a 20%-and-counting increase in
suicide.
This is Jack Windsor with WMFD-TV in Mansfield. My question
is for the Governor: Sir, when will the administration target real issues
instead of applying a one-size-fits-all approach and crossing their fingers?
Governor Husted started handling the Coronavirus outbreak with faulty modeling,
while ignoring critical real-time data. Now the trio suppresses critical data. Ohioans:
aware, enraged and bracing to fight for the truth.
The backdrop
COVID-19 first made an indelible mark on Ohioans when
Governor Mike DeWine canceled the 2020 Arnold Sports Festival, which was
schedule to start March 5.
On March 16, Governor DeWine backed a lawsuit seeking to
postpone the primary election scheduled for the next day. The suit was filed by
Ohioans who feared voting in person would expose voters and poll workers to
COVID-19.
Franklin County Common Pleas Judge Richard Fry declined to postpone
the election, but Fry’s decision did not stop DeWine. In the late hours of
election eve, Ohio Department of Health Director Amy Acton declared a
healthcare emergency to force polls closed. The emergency powers are granted by
the Ohio Revised Code and have
been in effect since March 16.
On March 23, DeWine announced a two-week shelter-in-place
plan, made legally binding by Acton’s emergency order. By that date, the world
had seen horrifying videos and read data on the COVID-19 outbreak in northern Italy.
If the Governor’s announcement and citizens’ compliance
constitutes a social contract, as DeWine has said in press conferences, then that
contract was inked on March 23, 2020. DeWine promised to make decisions based
on the best science, medicine, and data, and to deploy all necessary resources
to flatten the curve and ramp hospital capacity. DeWine and his team also
pledged to be transparent with data. Ohioans committed to stay home to flatten
the curve and buy hospitals time.
Early data flawed
Nearly a week before the stay-at-home order was issued, Imperial College epidemiologist Neil Ferguson modeled
the COVID-19 outbreak. Ferguson’s model became the point of reference for
leaders across the globe, influencing lockouts and sheltering policies.
Ferguson himself backtracked on his model’s accuracy just
weeks later after the projections tanked. The swing and miss on COVID-19 is not
Ferguson’s first projection whiff. Ferguson predicted 200 million would die from
the bird flu in 2005--deaths totaled 455. In 2009 Ferguson predicted 65,000
people would die in the U.K. from swine flu—the death toll was 392.
Ohio Department of Health (ODH) Director Amy Acton delivered
early projections and modeling based on Ferguson’s wildly inaccurate Imperial
College model. Acton guessed 100,000 Ohioans were already infected when she introduced
her modeling. She also projected the
COVID outbreak would peak in April and overwhelm hospitals, produce 62,000 new
cases a day and infect 40% to 70% of Ohioans. Like Ferguson’s model, Acton’s projections
were exponentially inaccurate.
The ODH model was revised twice, the first time revising new
cases per day to 10,000, the second revision ratcheting new cases down to 2,000
new per day. Outside of sampling a full
prison with thousands of inmates, Ohio has never seen more than 100 cases in
any given day throughout the health emergency.
Where Acton erred on projections, Ohioans extended grace
because COVID-19 was pitched as a novel virus without clear data on contagiousness,
how it spreads, who is at risk and how many people would need hospital and intensive
care.
Up-front information did exist—information directly related
to COVID-19, and studies related to the secondary impact of shut-it-all-down
policies.
Early data ignored
Whether willfully or ignorantly, important information was ignored.
The information that could have been used to direct public policy and
mitigation strategies.
Information
out of Italy and China revealed two critical factors DeWine and Acton could
have used to laser-focus their response to Coronavirus: 1) people aged 79 and
older with other diseases are most at risk for serious health outcomes,
especially death; 2) People above 30
with high blood pressure, diabetes and heart disease were at accelerated risk,
though much lower than risks to the age ranges 60-80 years and older. No one
below 30 died from Coronavirus.
This information was clear even before Ohio Department of
Health Director Amy Acton signed the first stay-at-home order.
The perils of economic fallout and sheltering-in-place were
also documented for consideration as the administration formed policies.
After the first SARS outbreak, Studies
on the secondary impact to mental health showed serious distress among
those quarantined, causing PTSD and depression when the sick were quarantined
for just two weeks or less.
The 2008 financial crisis spiked suicides
due to unemployment: rates were four-times higher; a 1% increase in
unemployment resulted in a 1% increase in suicides among males.
Instead of using a scalpel to carve-out policies to target
the most vulnerable, alleviate economic impact and spare the uninfected from
sheltering, DeWine, Acton and Husted did the opposite—they swung a wrecking
ball.
What we know today about COVID-19, we knew in March. Regardless, Acton, DeWine and Husted implemented
draconian measures and then defended their decisions by marketing the doom and
gloom from the Spanish Flu pandemic, which happened over 100 years earlier.
Acton shared a tale of two cities: Philadelphia and St.
Louis. Philadelphia was not as diligent about sheltering, resulting in higher
infections and deaths. St. Louis was compliant and produced fewer infections
and deaths. Ohioans were encouraged to be like St. Louis.
According to the CDC, sheltering-in-place, social distancing, disinfecting, and
practicing good hygiene made sense in 1917—it was, essentially, all the world
had to combat the H1N1 outbreak. Influenza vaccines did not yet exist, nor did antibiotics
for secondary infections (secondary infections drove the second surge of the
Spanish Flu). Pharmaceutical interventions for therapy also did not exist.
The Spanish flu killed children under five (5), healthy
adults aged 20-40 and elderly over age 65. A much larger percentage of the
population was at risk of death during the 1917 pandemic than people in 2020
exposed to COVID-19.
Technology, communication, vaccines, therapeutic drugs and
overall healthcare have made leaps and bounds forward since 1917 and have
enabled us to better navigate the dangers of a pandemic.
We did our part
If early models and comparisons to the 1917 pandemic did
anything to Ohioans, they manipulated emotions and produced compliance. And perhaps that was the intended consequence.
People stayed home. Owners of nonessential businesses
voluntarily walked away from livelihoods. Employees worked from home, while
caring for their kids and becoming their ad hoc teachers. More than a million
people accepted unemployment and waited, patiently, for the Ohio Department of Job
and Family Services to catch up.
Hospital capacity, ICU capacity and positive cases never
came close to embarrassingly inaccurate projections. The health system we set
out to save by flattening the curve has actually been negatively impacted—the
broad cancellation of all “elective procedures” including things like cancer
screenings has led to furloughs, layoffs and loss of healthcare capacity due to
the economic consequence of not having enough patients—COVID or otherwise.
Plus, there is a broader health consequence to the mental, emotional and
physical health of Ohioans that is just now starting to be understood.
Much has changed since March 23. One thing has not: DeWine’s
commitment to draconian measures in the face of civil opposition and
contradictory data. DeWine decided to double down on the measures and vehemently
rejects input that goes against his administration’s models, ideas and policies.
Legislators stepped up opposition to Governor DeWine during
an April caucus call. According to two legislators who wished to remain
anonymous, DeWine was not only closed to different views, he was defensive and
volatile, yelling at the elected officials. At one point he shrugged off
questions and opposing data as conspiracy theory.
In early May, amidst rapidly growing economic distress and
civil dissension, the Ohio General Assembly and Senate began drafting
legislation designed to limit the Health Director’s powers to 14 day before
involving the legislature. Legislation also sought to reduce fines and criminal
penalties waged against people who defy Acton’s orders. Senate Bill 1 and
Senate Bill 55 were subsequently drawn up, but even before they reached a vote,
DeWine threatened to veto any legislation designed to limit Acton’s authority.
Suppressed data:
Daily death totals
During each presser, Amy Acton will review the Ohio COVID-19
dashboard. You may note that Acton
reports deaths as “deaths reported in the last 24 hours.”
Deaths reported in the last 24 hours are different
than the actual number of deaths in the last 24 hours. The number
reported is almost always inaccurate and inflated because it includes deaths
over several days, perhaps as far back as January.
The practice of using “reported” data causes the public to
perceive more cases and more deaths than are occurring in the present. The
practice is confusing the press, the public and at times even the Governor and
Dr. Acton seem confused.
On May 23, the Ohio Department of Health indicated there
were 84 reported deaths over the past 24 hours. However, the real number
of deaths totaled seven (7), a difference of 77.
This 77 death inaccuracy was found only after reviewing the
CSV file available for download on the state
dashboard site. The CSV file lists the accurate daily number of deaths—and
can be found after much digging.
Suppressing the daily death totals is dangerous. Inflated
and inaccurate data gets picked up and reported by unsuspecting news outlets. That,
in fact, happened on May 23 when an Ohio media outlet reported the 84 deaths
under the headline: Deaths
more than double the previous 24-hour period.
Misrepresenting the death total is not a new practice.
During a press conference on April 14 Governor DeWine
repeatedly claimed 50 people died over the previous 24 hours. The actual
number of reported deaths was five (5). When confronted with the disparity,
DeWine deferred to Amy Acton who said, “I think it might be a reporting lag.”
R-naught of COVID-19 in general population
The r-naught factor is a number indicating viral
infectiousness. The r-naught (often expressed as R0) tells you how many people
will, on average, be infected by one infected person. For example: if COVID-19
had an R0 of four, one infected person would, on average, infect four other
people.
The r-naught of COVID-19 has become a data point of interest
during Governor DeWine’s daily pressers. Acton projects COVID-19 had an original
r-naught of between 2.5 to 5.0. Acton and DeWine reported a current r-naught of
1 during one press conference and .8 during another.
DeWine warns if the r-naught ascends above the 1.0-1.2
range, it will set off alarm bells. Translated: an r-naught above 1.2 could trigger
a rollback—shuttering businesses, locking Ohioans out of public spaces, further
slowing a re-opening, while increasing pressure to comply with backdoor
controls such as testing and contact tracing.
Given the importance of this measure, it makes sense to dig
into how it is reported. Not every part of the state has the same demography,
population density, and the potential for a high secondary surge. The now
famous ping pong ball commercial is a powerful visual, but it is based on faulty
assumptions.
The video shows how one infection sets in motion a massive
chain reaction around you. The problem: not everyone is equidistant from each
other; not everyone will contract the virus; many will not spread the virus;
serious symptoms and death will not result in over 99% of cases, once
symptomatic and asymptomatic infected are counted in the mix. The video is a
bogus visual representation of the spread of Coronavirus.
One solid first step to making the r-naught more meaningful requires
carving-out congregate living data sets. Extracting, measuring and
independently dealing with people who live in these close quarters will produce
not only a more accurate r-naught for the general population, it will also
produce policies that save lives inside prisons, nursing homes and long term
care facilities.
Mixing congregate living with statistics from the general
population skews how infectious the virus may be to the general population. A
spike in congregate living settings could equal a clampdown on the general
population—it would be like punishing the entire class if one child is acting
out. Equally irresponsible: keeping images like the ping pong video and mixed
data sets in play. These serve misinformation and, frankly, panic people.
Common sense can derive that if the current r-naught is 1:1
with mixed data sets, the general population is experiencing a contagiousness
that is a fraction of what occurs in congregate settings. What may be
discovered once the congregate living numbers are backed out is that the
r-naught is likely a fraction of the current 1:1 estimate. And that fractional
expression would be a better basis for mitigation and policy decisions.
On top of separating data sets for congregate living it also
makes sense to look at each of the 88 counties differently—80 of the 88
counties will likely have r-naught values that are miniscule. Consequently,
their differences should be honored with varied policies that apply to people
in those locations.
Nursing home deaths
Just two weeks ago Amy Acton estimated death rates in
nursing homes comprised approximately 20% of the Ohio death toll. As reporters
and citizen journalists investigated that claim, it was discovered that
confirmed deaths were double Acton’s estimate. Continued digging reveals that, as of May 21, confirmed
deaths in nursing homes total 79% of the state total.
The errors seem to stem from mixing data sets, slow responses
and an overall lack of focus on critical information. Failing to dive deep into
data provided by nursing homes and other congregate care facilities may account
for the utterly irresponsible handling of nursing home infections.
Mixing data sets from congregate settings (information
specific to nursing homes and other congregate facilities) for reporting and
consideration bypassed a crucial step in checks and balances. In fact, the
mixing is a fatal error.
Nursing homes and prisons produce extremely disproportionate
infection rates—and disproportionate deaths in the case of nursing homes. What
if the state would have previously segregated the data sets and treated them
differently—how many lives could have been saved in long term care facilities,
jails and prisons?
The state would be wiser to extract congregate living
numbers and to begin dealing with the disproportionately large number of
infections, hospitalizations, ICU visits and deaths in these congregate
communities.
The slow response to directives can best be seen in the
seven-day delay in DeWine’s response to a directive from Vice President Mike Pence
that called on all governors to perform testing in all their long term care
facilities—all nursing home staff and patients. Pence announced the directive
on May 12, but it wasn’t until May 19, a week later, that Governor Mike DeWine
took the initiative to ramp testing in nursing homes—deploying
the national guard to aid in testing.
In the elderly, the time from COVID-19 onset to death is estimated
at 14 days; seven days is a matter of life or death.
Information on how to best treat nursing home residents who
contract COVID-19 is hotly contested. Kay Ball, PhD, RN, CNOR, FAAN, a 71-year-old
female, contracted Coronavirus despite masking, wearing gloves and following
suggested protocols. Ball’s husband, a 73-year-old male, also contracted
COVID-19. They both recovered.
During an interview, Kay Ball said during her visit to the
hospital, the drug hydroxychloroquine was administered. Ball began feeling
better almost immediately. Bell also pointed out that she received a shot in
her stomach to decrease the incidence of blood clotting; she was also given
zinc and high levels of vitamin C. Whether there was one treatment, or a
combination of many, there seems to be a growing body of evidence on the
efficacy of hydroxychloroquine, zinc and vitamin C.
There is no better time to untangle the facts surrounding
the efficacy of therapeutic drugs and to cut the bureaucracy surrounding their
delivery, where appropriate.
During the May 21 press conference, DeWine, et.al. seemed to
pivot away from primary COVID-19 issues, such as nursing homes, and toward
larger social issues: housing, education and transportation.
The Governor is trying to spin-up an entire social movement
that takes tremendous time, energy, money and effort—and doing it while our
deadliest problem goes largely unaddressed. What is gasping about the
transition to magnanimous social issues is the fact that the nursing home
crisis is condensed to less than one percent of our population; yet it remains a
problem without a solution. Residents in nursing homes are the most immobile in
our communities, they are easily reached, treated and can be saved with a
laser-focus.
Instead, we now turn our attention and money to gigantic
initiatives DeWine’s team will try to apply to the 44,825 square-miles
comprising Ohio and its almost 12 million citizens. There may be no bigger sign
of incompetence in our current mindset and decision making.
Antibody testing
In early April, Amy Acton announced the Ohio Department of
Health, with aid from Celexa, would conduct a 1,200-person random antibody test
sample in Ohio. The purpose of the antibody testing was to determine how many
Ohioans have COVID-19 antibodies. This study could potentially tell us much
about how far the virus has spread—especially since we now know it was here in
early January (if not sooner), at a time when there were not mitigation
strategies in place.
WMFD-TV has repeatedly requested copies of contracts with
Celexa and information on the antibody testing and information has not yet been
provided.
Antibody tests could undermine the perceived severity of
COVID-19 in Ohio; tests could also prove how much more work there is to do to
prepare to live with the virus. Either way, this is either a commitment
unfulfilled or information suppressed.
Average age of death
During nearly every press conference from March through May,
Acton would state “average age of cases was about 50” but she has yet to
publicly say that the average age of death is 81.
Why? A legislator, who wishes to remain anonymous says “they
[Ohio Department of Health] don’t want information that would cause people to
not obey their orders.”
Surface spread and asymptomatic spread
Since the beginning of Ohio’s mitigation efforts, the CDC
website has contained information explaining that viral spread on surfaces
may be possible, yet not likely, and not the main way the virus spreads. Not
a single case has been discovered through surface spread; yet Acton took
time during a press conference to inaccurately explain how germs “move” across
a counter top using a swiss cheese mind illustration.
On May 14, the Director’s
Dine Safe Ohio Order was issued, extending mandates for restaurants and
bars. In that order was language from the CDC. “The CDC reports that people are
most contagious when they are most symptomatic (the sickest) however some
spread might be possible before people show symptoms although that is not the
main way the virus spreads.”
New studies indicate asymptomatic spread is not occurring.
Instead of discussing the studies and possible implications to our daily
living, the administration continues to double down on masks and other
measures, while trumpeting the message that asymptomatic spread can kill
grandmas and those most vulnerable.
Lake County Judge Eugene Lucci’s decision
Lucci’s decision was treated like anything else that
challenges the Governor’s direction, DeWine downplayed a court decision during
the Thursday, May 21 press conference. DeWine said that all the decision did
was shorten mandates by six days. Common
Pleas Judge Eugene Lucci actually said:
"The director (Acton)
has no statutory authority to close all businesses, including the plaintiffs’
gyms … She has acted in an impermissibly arbitrary, unreasonable, and
oppressive manner without any procedural safeguards.”
has no statutory authority to close all businesses, including the plaintiffs’
gyms … She has acted in an impermissibly arbitrary, unreasonable, and
oppressive manner without any procedural safeguards.”
Judge ruled unconstitutional DeWine and Acton’s rules that shut down
businesses and kept people locked in their homes.
The phrase “all businesses” means just that—all businesses.
Information is valuable only when it is used
In science an experiment starts with a hypothesis and it is
either proven or disproven through experimentation. True scientists do not mold
the data to a predetermined outcome.
The fact is, after approximately five months of the
Coronavirus circulating in the population, approximately 300 Ohioans have died
outside of prisons and nursing homes, the high majority over 70 years old.
The fact is, asymptomatic transmission is a theory and a
recent study questions whether that theory is true, yet we have never heard
about this study or the CDC announcement that the projected mortality rate for
people under 50 is .0005, or half the mortality rate of the flu.
These things are not conspiracy theories, yet the
administration has engaged in the practice of intentional selection of data to
present to Ohioans—citizens who were promised data transparency and policies
based on the best science.
To be clear: why DeWine is doing what he is doing is
not as important right now as how he is doing what he is doing.
Governor DeWine and Lieutenant Governor Husted often use
sports analogies. In that vein: what makes a great football coach is the
ability to adjust strategy—particularly, the ability to make halftime
adjustments that prepare the team to perform at their highest potential in the
second half.
Great coaches don’t neglect relevant input. Great coaches
don’t double-down on losing gameplans. Great coaches don’t study film from a
1917 football game and use the outdated details in the present to call offensive
plays and defensive formations. Great coaches listen to their coordinators and
opposing views.
The first two weeks following the March 23rd shelter-in-place
revealed that 62,000 new cases a day, 40-70% infection rates and overflowing
hospitals were aberrations.
DeWine didn’t adjust. In fact, he tightened the reigns of
control and regulation—exacerbating the crisis.
Since the initial orders, DeWine has paid lip service to
relaxing guidelines and opening the economy but the slow re-opening continues,
and forced compliance for testing and contact tracing now seem tethered to our
ultimate desire to be back to normal.
In fact, the administration has worked overtime to condition
Ohioans to accept a new normal, hinting that there will be no freedom as we
know it until a vaccine is invented and taken. The merits of these issues are
for another article.
To go back to the sports analogy, in the ten weeks since
lockout DeWine et.al. have been beaten by 30 points a game and now stand 0-16
on the season. Meanwhile, robust state programs are being planned for our kids’
fall education, healthcare, housing, and transportation. This is akin to a
winless team preparing for an upcoming Superbowl.
Deciding what is more offensive is a toss-up. It might be ignoring
a real health crisis in nursing homes and prisons that continues to infect
prisoners and kill our elderly, while choosing initiatives that would be nice to
have. Or, it may be sticking with decisions that will create endless negative
outcomes for people, families, businesses and the economy for years to come.
Why is this happening?
An advisor to the state, who requested anonymity, talked
twice with high level officials inside the Ohio Department of Health and the
DeWine administration. On both occasions, the advisor asked why data is suppressed
and presented with a bias toward worst-case scenarios. On both occasions the
advisor was told the message is packaged and delivered to change how people
feel and think about Coronavirus. The end goal is to build compliance with the
new normal.
Perhaps DeWine and Acton are like helicopter parents who are
alarmingly controlling and overprotective of their children. Whatever the reasoning for their overreach
and unconstitutional rules, the unintended consequences of their actions now
threaten to make the cure worse than the virus.
But like stubbornly protective parents, DeWine and Acton may
be hard to redirect. Judge Fry’s court ruling in March was ignored. Judge
Lucci’s order from last week was ignored. The crew continues to ignore data and
the unintended consequences of their policies.
It begs the question: will they ever be held accountable for
their misrepresentation of data? Remember, on March 23 we the people of Ohio
accepted a social contract and we are still waiting for the faithful
delivery—but will DeWine uphold his end of the bargain?
We hear a lot about the new normal. We were doing just fine
with normal: roaring economy, no state budget deficit, kids in school and
protected, living life the way it is intended to be lived—in community.
Now we know that “normal” was happening while COVID-19 was
here from January (if not sooner) to March 23, without: unprecedented numbers
of deaths, overrun hospitals and mitigation strategies to fight the virus.
How does the new normal look? DeWine and Acton are ushering
it in with their masks, social distancing, business mandates, school shutdowns,
and lockouts.
The results: an estimated 2 million unemployed, more than
1,589 nursing home deaths, zero deaths under the age of 30 (but ample
regulations that strap the age group), a startling number of businesses that
will never re-open, and—if history repeats—a 20%-and-counting increase in
suicide.
This is Jack Windsor with WMFD-TV in Mansfield. My question
is for the Governor: Sir, when will the administration target real issues
instead of applying a one-size-fits-all approach and crossing their fingers?
Thus articles Governor DeWine Suppresses Data Disproving COVID-19 Policies
that is all articles Governor DeWine Suppresses Data Disproving COVID-19 Policies This time, hopefully can provide benefits to all of you. Okay, see you in another article posting.
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